In response to a tidal wave of tainted imported food and consumer goods hitting America this summer, President George W.
In one episode of the 1970s television series M*A*S*H, an eminently paranoid Army intelligence officer tags flag-waving Frank Burns a Communist sympathizer because Burns subscribes to flag-waving Reader’s Digest.
In the summer’s waning warmth after Labor Day, my mother would order her child army into the big garden of my youth to gather the year’s final flush of vegetables.
In the down-is-up world of American biofuels, success carries enormous costs. The latest evidence of these costs is an amendment tucked into the House version of the 2007 farm bill: As Mexican granular sugar flows into the U.
Some of the sagest advice my father ever offered my brothers and me urged us not to “hit back at bullies” because, sooner or later, “They’ll get theirs.
Every August, about silage chopping time, my mind flits back to a burning question of my youth: Given the old fashioned way we made corn silage on that southern Illinois dairy farm, were we just poor or were we just cheap?
About 10 seconds after the Democrats reclaimed the House of Representatives last November, Collin Peterson, the Minnesotan who would lead the chamber’s Ag Committee come January, began to think about the 2007 farm bill.
If the writing of federal legislation is, as often described, a kabuki dance, then the farm bill passed by House Ag Committee July 19 is only the first, essential step of a complex drama that has two more months of rewrites before its scheduled Oct.
After years of private gripes and government investigations, 17 Southeast dairy farmers filed two federal class-action civil lawsuits in Tennessee July 5 charging the nation’s milk giants with “conspiracy
When the lovely Catherine and I slipped out of steamy Illinois for a driving trip to New Mexico June 30, the last item I tossed into her car was a rain parka.
Just after I completed the previous reader-mail column in late December, a Christmas card, carrying a festive stamp, arrived.
If you were to interview yourself, then write a story based on the interview, it’s a safe bet the story might be more self-serving than, say, what your neighbor or mother-in-law might write about you.
About the time I broke the cotton shackles of my mother’s apron strings for the glorious freedom of my father’s farm fields, a technology wave hit the southern Illinois farm of my youth.
The Office of Inspector General at the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has recommended EPA seek to recover nearly $25.
Some things are more reliable than even death and taxes. Take the Farm Credit System for example. Since it’s farm bill-writing time again, the giant, government-sanctioned, cooperative ag lender is again asking Congress for favors to boost itself in the farm lending marketplace.
On the southern Illinois farm of my youth, the beginning of summer marked the kick-off of a season of great food.
Newton’s Third Law of Motion, “For every action there is an equal and opposite reaction,” has direct application to the physics of farm bills.
If you believe the 2007 U.S. Farm Bill process is complicated – 2 million farmers, 435 representatives, 100 senators, innumerable ideas – it’s a simple souffl
When University of Wisconsin law professor Peter Carstensen read the U.S. Department of Justice May 4 press release announcing its blessing on pork giant Smithfield, Inc.
During a pork roast dinner with my parents on the farm 15 or so years ago, my father issued one of only two edicts I recall him ever uttering.